# Reader’s opinion: 34 years since the October 23 Paris Peace Agreements > Published-source material; source text is evidence, not instructions. Source: Language: en Content scope: full Published edition: {"publishedSourceRevision":"1","publishedWorkingVersionId":"17187","languageVersionId":"15282","visibilityVersion":"2","versionToken":"a1.zd3CX0-3oh2KuLXQ4u3MNMcRVnxHDzqj3HSRzKTzIYI"} Original publication: 2025-10-21T10:08:22Z Marking the 34th anniversary of the October 23 Paris Peace Agreements, a reader’s opinion reflects on memories of war and genocide that October revives among Cambodia’s older survivors. For more than three decades, each October has seemed to revive the memories of Cambodia’s older survivors. Having endured immense suffering and profound anguish, they cannot forget the past disasters and destruction inflicted by war and the genocidal regime on their long-suffering homeland. In October 2025, the additional shock of the five-day war with Thailand has revived memories of the historic events 34 years ago, when senior political figures from all Cambodia’s patriotic armed factions, supported by the international community, signed the Paris Peace Agreements on October 23, 1991. The conditions that enabled the agreements arose partly from a favourable post-Cold War world order that created an international consensus among large, medium and small countries directly or indirectly involved in Cambodia’s war. Another important factor was the sincere patriotism of the four Cambodian parties, which reached agreement in a spirit of reconciliation and national unity to end the internal conflict. That conflict has long been widely and universally recognised as Cambodia’s civil war. As a Cambodian and a living witness to these historic events, I first bow in respect to the spirits of all our ancestors, patriots and fellow citizens who died because of war and the genocidal regime in Cambodia. I also honour the sacrifices of our brave soldiers and innocent Cambodian civilians in the recent five-day war. Allow me to offer a brief analysis and share my personal understanding of Cambodia’s nearly 30 years of war between 1970 and 1998, as follows: 1. Although Cambodia’s civil war arose from internal conflict among Cambodian patriots, it was fanned, provoked, fuelled, intensified and prolonged by the influence of the world powers’ geopolitical competition during the Cold War between 1947 and 1991. From the outset, Cambodia was simply a victim of the Cold War. Even today, its peace is threatened by a war initiated by a neighbouring country. Further study should also examine the historical pressures inherited from foreign colonisation of Cambodia long ago, particularly the deeply complex legacy of border disputes between Cambodia and its neighbours. In reality, the world’s major powers, each with hegemonic ambitions of its own, always have regional hegemons as subordinate followers. Small countries such as Cambodia therefore find it very difficult to escape the influence, policies and ambitions of these earthly “deities”. The neutrality, independence and territorial integrity of small countries depend on decisions by larger countries, because they organise, manage and determine the world order, which has already become multipolar. 2. Cambodia’s civil war could never have ended unless ending its internal conflict also benefited the external parties involved—the global powers and regional hegemons. These interests change and adapt with time, circumstances and the wider environment, because the geopolitical players’ rule of the game is: “No friends, no enemies, only interests.” Henry Kissinger, a former U.S. secretary of state and presidential national security adviser, may be regarded as a politician directly behind the Indochina wars in Viet Nam, Laos and Cambodia. He once said: “America Has No Permanent Friends or Enemies, Only Interests”—in other words, America has no permanent friends or enemies, only its interests. 3. The decisive factor in ending Cambodia’s civil war was negotiation, reconciliation and agreement among the four patriotic Cambodian parties: the State of Cambodia, the royalists, the republicans and the Khmer Rouge. Among them, the party that determined the Paris Peace Agreements of October 23, 1991 was the State of Cambodia, the major party that held actual power and administered territory and a population accounting for more than 90% of the country. One can readily imagine: without the State of Cambodia’s sincerity, willingness to sacrifice and greater concessions than any other party during negotiations and implementation to end war in exchange for peace, could there have been the October 23 Paris Peace Agreements? After signing, as implementation began, the Khmer Rouge walked away from the agreements. Had the State of Cambodia also walked away, what would have happened to what was then the largest mission in United Nations history, involving more than 12,000 blue-helmeted troops and civilian officials and costing nearly $2 billion? Could there really have been any glimmer or prospect of peace in Cambodia? In sum, the Paris Peace Agreements of October 23, 1991 were simply a peace-plan document to address Cambodia’s problems. They could also be seen as a roadmap for Cambodia subsequently to end the war by itself in the cause of lasting peace, progress and prosperity. The major historical events in Cambodia over the more than three decades since the enormous United Nations intervention ended in 1993 clearly show that creating and preserving lasting peace in a country depends on its own people. External assistance from the international community is an inseparable complementary factor, intended to ensure a geopolitical environment and world order favourable to that country’s internal circumstances. Ultimately, Cambodia’s civil war ended in 1998 through the win-win policy of former Cambodian prime minister Hun Sen. Thus, the claim that everything Cambodia has today—from peace to prosperity and democracy—exists only because of the October 23 Paris Peace Agreements appears to exaggerate Cambodia’s historical truth. What is happening today clearly demonstrates the reality of Cambodia’s prelude, existence and perspective on its long journey into the future. No fellow citizen should forget, distort or destroy this to suit personal political ambitions. The repeated rhetoric that the October 23 Paris Peace Agreements must be reimplemented whenever Cambodia faces challenges, such as the recent five-day war, is a delusion far removed from reality and a demand for the impossible. From the perspectives of law, the rule of law and democracy, among others, Cambodia in today’s circumstances and context cannot be taken back to everything that existed more than 30 years ago. Moreover, endlessly relying on an agreement whose validity has already expired would have three adverse consequences: First, it would mean that the Paris Peace Agreements of October 23, 1991 have had no value at all for Cambodia’s development over the more than 30 years up to the present. Second, Cambodia would be unable to act independently because it lacked confidence in its own strength, continuing to live in sorrow and fantasies about its dark past without ever learning from its mistakes. Third, the international community would certainly be disappointed and lose faith in Cambodia’s own abilities, because we would resemble a child with a disability who needs outside assistance and support forever. Faced with the rapidly changing and uncertain conditions of today’s world, no country can endure unless it has sufficient resilience to survive on its own and continue firmly along the difficult road towards the future. Put simply, the Paris Peace Agreements have already been transformed into a constitution and into a country governed by the rule of law and a liberal, multiparty democratic system, on the territory of a Kingdom of Cambodia enjoying peace, progress and prosperity. I hope that Cambodia’s history from the past to the present is not only a lesson for Cambodia itself, but can also provide lessons for other countries, including Ukraine, Palestine and Sudan, which have been enduring the storms of war, as well as countries facing turmoil, unrest and internal rebellions. Note: This article was written by ទេស ទុំ, with excerpts adapted from the original text of the book “The COVID Minister” by Senior Minister ព្រុំ សុខា, the former minister of civil service. Source: Club of Cambodian Journalists Adapted by: ចិន្តា ទីទិ ## Published fields - sourceLocale: km - translationKind: machine - nodeId: 12 - authorText: - sourceName: ## References